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Recommended Stories. In The Know by Yahoo. Africa makes up only 2 percent of German new car exports, according to the auto industry body VDA, which says the market is "still in its infancy". Again, South Africa accounts for almost 60 percent of sales, though its economy has weakened. Where is Togo?
They are just blank spots on the map. Africa's population is growing at twice the world rate, while Europe's is stagnating. German exports to Europe, the market for nearly 60 percent of its shipments, grew 0.
This has prompted Europe's biggest economy to review what experts say remains basically a "donor-recipient" relationship. With the foreign ministry drawing up new African policy guidelines, the armed forces playing a bigger role in French-led missions and industry bodies urging members to venture into new territory, Germany is jostling for its "place in the sun", a phrase coined by statesman Bernhard von Buelow in Even so, it has relatively little colonial baggage compared with some other European countries, which could be an advantage in a region often sceptical about post-colonial powers and asset-stripping, as Chancellor Angela Merkel looks for a geo-political role to match German economic might.
Denying any interest in "Germanising" a continent that has seen too much outside interference, Merkel said in a podcast at the end of March - ahead of an EU-African summit - that Germany could play a useful role as an "honest broker" in the region. Alex Vines, head of the Africa Programme at Chatham House, said Germany, like all foreign powers, wanted to get its hands on uranium from Niger and Namibia, cobalt from the Democratic Republic of Congo, chromium, manganese and platinum from South Africa and oil and gas from Nigeria, Angola and Algeria.
Muhereza Kyamutetera, a year-old advertising executive in Kampala, said that instead of spending lunch finding a parking space and a restaurant, with Hellofood "you spend a few minutes on your computer and, bang, food finds you on your desk".
Germany's traditional industrial exports were facing tough competition from China, Kyamutetera said, but they could find a niche in what he called "offbeat areas" like this. The hope is that Germany's late arrival will not just boost its own exports but signal that Africa's economy can "move up the value chain to do some industrialisation", said Songwe. This will boost demand for energy, water, transportation and healthcare, sectors where Siemens is already well positioned. In this context, the Germans' proverbial caution is seen as a guarantee of the commitment needed to develop local industry.
Our country is in a different situation and we need solutions now, now, now. You have to wait for decisions not for a month but for maybe six months," said Plantikow. But the rewards can be considerable. Krones, the world's biggest manufacturer of bottling and packaging machinery based in Bavaria, has operated in Angola for about seven years and already has 90 percent of the market for equipment producing soft drinks, beer and water. Marcello Pulcini, its general manager in Angola, said at the Krones office in a Luanda suburb there was still "much potential for growth", though he cautioned potential newcomers about the bureaucracy, untrained workforce and "old habit" of corruption.
Such challenges - and news of violence like the Islamist insurgencies of Boko Haram in northern Nigeria and al Shabaab in east Africa - make it a daunting place for companies lacking the global clout of a Siemens or Krones.
Business lobbies urge the government to offer safeguards and export credit guarantees. According to Frank , it is what brought about underdevelopment. To dependency theorists, development for the underdeveloped is impossible within this World Capitalist arrangement for the underdeveloped nations. It is only within the socialist arrangement that development can be possible Frank, ; Wallerstein, ; Furtado, In this process, the social, political and economic structures of Latin America were determined.
This led to the polarization of the metropolis and the satellite nations in which case the expropriation of surplus to the metropolis led to its development while the expropriated satellite nations became underdeveloped. Thus, their interests became linked together. For Frank, and others, therefore, development cannot be achieved through the political elites in the underdeveloped nations. It requires the struggle of the exploited people within these national satellites to bring about socialist arrangement.
In spite of its inadequacies, this perspective has been largely commended on its appreciation of the negative effect of the international economy on the societies of the Third World O'Brien, Furthermore, it laid another starting point from which the analysis of development and underdevelopment should be viewed. In addition, it has enriched what it called the "simplistic" Marxist views on the likely effects of capitalist expansion in the underdeveloped countries. It used a "revised Marxist methodology" to stress the interplay between the internal and external structures.
These processes were set in motion through a deliberate policy of colonization, some of which we briefly elaborate in the 'story' for the African situation below. Though the missionaries were largely in charge of education through which they intended to convert Africans from their 'uncivilized' tradition and 'uncultured', 'undisciplined paganism' Schivji, to European religion of Christianity and European ways of life the famous Bible and the Plough doctrine Olutayo, , the Colonial Development and Welfare Act introduced direct state intervention in education.
This policy marked the beginning of a new underdevelopment process wherein conscious efforts were made by the colonial governments to spur economic development through the provision of infrastructures.
In the words of Pool , 'British colonial officials came to believe that improving the educational, social, medical, and economic infrastructure of its colonies would lay a foundation for increased African participation in colonial administration'. This laid the foundation for the creation of 'new elite' that would take over from them. Starting with the one million pound per year in the s, it was increased to five million pounds per year in the and to one hundred and twenty million in Barder, By , the Overseas Development Act established the Colonial Development Corporation to operate in the colonies and the Overseas Development Corporation for the whole world.
Not surprisingly therefore, the emergence of the Soviet Union threatened Western Europe's conception of development and it became clear that aid was not 'morality' bound but 'to encourage trade'. Indeed, with the establishment of the Development Assistance Committee in , chaired by the United State's US ambassadors up till , the ideology of free trade as the ultimate aim came to the fore.
Development plans, which started since the s, were invigorated. These plans were to be under the 'technical' assistance from Europe and the US. Thus began the emergence of 'development experts' or who Branford and Kucinski referred to as the 'debt squads'. As Macdonald has shown, the French also fully embraced the idea of economic development assistance after the World War II.
Associated with this economic aid was the French policy of maintaining tight political and economic control over the colonies through, among others, centralized currency regulation and limited access to political and educational institutions. The need to cope with high expectations of newly independent nations by the s witnessed increased French foreign aid assistance to West Africa. This grew to 1. Paradoxically, these also became the 'apostolic' basis of 'development plans', undertaken by the newly created elite.
As such, as the indigenous social structures were undermined, the need for loans and aids also became justified on the basis of new development' orientations. What used to be conceptualized as 'education', 'medicine', 'economic', 'politics', 'poverty', and so on, changed. In short, development was no longer seen as the ability to independently determine what a nation desired but defined by those 'external' to that environment. This was not, unsurprisingly, essentially different from the 'nationalists' orientation in their development plans!
Not surprising because they were 'schooled' in the 'colonialists' educational institutions and were, more or less, competing with the indigenous elite who had been prominent before and during colonial intervention.
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